Switzerland’s commitment to reducing its carbon emissions was put to the test this weekend in a fractious national vote that challenged the power of green politics in one of the world’s wealthiest countries.
The climate law, which was passed in a referendum on Sunday with a majority of 58%, outlines the peculiar Swiss hurdles facing Bern as it seeks to implement new measures aimed at curbing greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. wants to do
Switzerland has one of the cleanest energy records in Europe and a high level of public concern and awareness about climate change. Yet facing an environmental emergency, the well-known strengths of the country’s political system – its highly evolved nature, consensus-based approach and hostility to legislative change without months, if not years, of deliberation – have made it prone to populist nimbism. and potentially hostage. filibustering.
Around 42 percent of Swiss voters voted against the law, despite a rise in popularity of green parties in the last federal election.
For weeks, the well-funded “no” campaign portrayed mountain vistas obscured by wind turbines. Pass the law, critics warned, and Switzerland could suffer the same fate as Germany, where an overly ambitious plan to replace gas boilers with systems powered by renewable energy has brought the ruling coalition to the brink.
In 2019, Switzerland’s two green parties won a fifth of the popular vote, in an electoral shake-up that pundits said reflected the urgency for the public to consider global warming. But so far, the Greens have struggled to effect a single reform of note.
“The climate law . . . marks a turning point in climate politics in Switzerland after two years of uncertainty,” said Lucas Golder, co-director of pollster gfs.bern.
How much will turn out remains to be seen, given the limited nature of the new law. The law commits Switzerland to carbon neutrality by 2050 and creates a SFr2bn pool of subsidies to help transition away from fossil fuels, with SFr1.2bn for businesses to invest in more sustainable energy technologies.
“Obviously a ‘no’ (would have) been a disaster, but even with a ‘yes’, pro-climate activists have a very uphill battle in Switzerland,” Golder said.
Critics on both sides say the law says nothing about where the green electricity consumers want to use will come from.
“Switzerland is resting on its laurels,” warned Christophe Brand, chief executive of Expo, the country’s biggest electricity producer.
“When it comes to power generation, right now we look up to the stars when it comes to carbon intensity,” he said, pointing to the two-thirds of electricity generated by hydroelectric and nuclear plants. “But by 2050, the country’s electricity consumption will increase from about 62 terawatt-hours to 90 terawatt-hours. The potential for additional hydropower in Switzerland is essentially zero. , , And our solar and wind capacity is embarrassingly low.
“Switzerland has a tendency to move slowly – that’s to say everything has gone well for the last 30 years, so let’s extrapolate that to the next 30 years,” he said. “But in this case, it doesn’t work.”
Swiss energy utilities blame the country’s planning laws – a product of its evolved politics – for the lack of progress. In most countries the central government can override local concerns, but in Switzerland the system works in reverse and an individual or determined group can block or delay almost any project. It took eight years to obtain permission to build five wind turbines on the uninhabited Gotthard Pass.
Byrne has introduced a range of workarounds designed to address some of the problems, such as limiting the number of times a planning objection can be lodged by an individual or organisation. As a result some projects have been approved recently. Construction will begin next year on the Overa Solara Magril solar farm, an 80,000-square-metre installation on the side of a mountain near Andermatt that will generate 10MW of electricity.
To meet the country’s 2050 goals, however, 80 square kilometers of solar panels must be built.
Meanwhile, the political climate has become polarized. The populist SVP, the country’s largest political party – which led the campaign against the climate law – has turned the environmental debate into one of its central issues, slamming the policies as “un-Swiss” and “anti-freedom”. Attacked while pointed towards the broadside. The European energy crisis as evidence that decarbonisation was impractical and harmful to ordinary people.
The issue sits alongside one of the SVP’s favorite foibles: the urban-rural divide. The party enjoys tremendous support in rural communities, where farmers generally depend on fossil fuels and oppose outside interference in local decision-making.
Amid domestic tensions, large Swiss energy companies have focused on building renewable plants elsewhere in Europe, and many in the industry believe the country will inevitably become a net importer of European electricity.
But this option is also problematic. Thanks to an ongoing diplomatic battle with the European Union over trade ties, Switzerland’s electricity trade pact with the bloc will expire next year. With Bern beset by opposition from right-wing populist and socialist parties to make concessions to Brussels, there is no sign of a replacement.
“It . . . overshadows everything,” said Tobias Schmidt, head of the energy and technology policy group at ETH, the Technical University in Zurich.
“We are facing a situation where Switzerland may gradually become disconnected from the European electricity system, which is insane because we are literally at the center of it, being for example the largest importer and exporter of electricity on the continent after Austria. In form of.”
But few see any indication that a consensus will be reached quickly. “The (climate) debate in Switzerland is not realistic at all. At the moment we want everything,” Schmidt said. “We cannot both be more independent from the EU and refuse to build more renewable energy.
“I hope we don’t get to the point of rolling blackouts before people realize this.”
Switzerland’s commitment to reducing its carbon emissions was put to the test this weekend in a fractious national vote that challenged the power of green politics in one of the world’s wealthiest countries.
The climate law, which was passed in a referendum on Sunday with a majority of 58%, outlines the peculiar Swiss hurdles facing Bern as it seeks to implement new measures aimed at curbing greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. wants to do
Switzerland has one of the cleanest energy records in Europe and a high level of public concern and awareness about climate change. Yet facing an environmental emergency, the well-known strengths of the country’s political system – its highly evolved nature, consensus-based approach and hostility to legislative change without months, if not years, of deliberation – have made it prone to populist nimbism. and potentially hostage. filibustering.
Around 42 percent of Swiss voters voted against the law, despite a rise in popularity of green parties in the last federal election.
For weeks, the well-funded “no” campaign portrayed mountain vistas obscured by wind turbines. Pass the law, critics warned, and Switzerland could suffer the same fate as Germany, where an overly ambitious plan to replace gas boilers with systems powered by renewable energy has brought the ruling coalition to the brink.
In 2019, Switzerland’s two green parties won a fifth of the popular vote, in an electoral shake-up that pundits said reflected the urgency for the public to consider global warming. But so far, the Greens have struggled to effect a single reform of note.
“The climate law . . . marks a turning point in climate politics in Switzerland after two years of uncertainty,” said Lucas Golder, co-director of pollster gfs.bern.
How much will turn out remains to be seen, given the limited nature of the new law. The law commits Switzerland to carbon neutrality by 2050 and creates a SFr2bn pool of subsidies to help transition away from fossil fuels, with SFr1.2bn for businesses to invest in more sustainable energy technologies.
“Obviously a ‘no’ (would have) been a disaster, but even with a ‘yes’, pro-climate activists have a very uphill battle in Switzerland,” Golder said.
Critics on both sides say the law says nothing about where the green electricity consumers want to use will come from.
“Switzerland is resting on its laurels,” warned Christophe Brand, chief executive of Expo, the country’s biggest electricity producer.
“When it comes to power generation, right now we look up to the stars when it comes to carbon intensity,” he said, pointing to the two-thirds of electricity generated by hydroelectric and nuclear plants. “But by 2050, the country’s electricity consumption will increase from about 62 terawatt-hours to 90 terawatt-hours. The potential for additional hydropower in Switzerland is essentially zero. , , And our solar and wind capacity is embarrassingly low.
“Switzerland has a tendency to move slowly – that’s to say everything has gone well for the last 30 years, so let’s extrapolate that to the next 30 years,” he said. “But in this case, it doesn’t work.”
Swiss energy utilities blame the country’s planning laws – a product of its evolved politics – for the lack of progress. In most countries the central government can override local concerns, but in Switzerland the system works in reverse and an individual or determined group can block or delay almost any project. It took eight years to obtain permission to build five wind turbines on the uninhabited Gotthard Pass.
Byrne has introduced a range of workarounds designed to address some of the problems, such as limiting the number of times a planning objection can be lodged by an individual or organisation. As a result some projects have been approved recently. Construction will begin next year on the Overa Solara Magril solar farm, an 80,000-square-metre installation on the side of a mountain near Andermatt that will generate 10MW of electricity.
To meet the country’s 2050 goals, however, 80 square kilometers of solar panels must be built.
Meanwhile, the political climate has become polarized. The populist SVP, the country’s largest political party – which led the campaign against the climate law – has turned the environmental debate into one of its central issues, slamming the policies as “un-Swiss” and “anti-freedom”. Attacked while pointed towards the broadside. The European energy crisis as evidence that decarbonisation was impractical and harmful to ordinary people.
The issue sits alongside one of the SVP’s favorite foibles: the urban-rural divide. The party enjoys tremendous support in rural communities, where farmers generally depend on fossil fuels and oppose outside interference in local decision-making.
Amid domestic tensions, large Swiss energy companies have focused on building renewable plants elsewhere in Europe, and many in the industry believe the country will inevitably become a net importer of European electricity.
But this option is also problematic. Thanks to an ongoing diplomatic battle with the European Union over trade ties, Switzerland’s electricity trade pact with the bloc will expire next year. With Bern beset by opposition from right-wing populist and socialist parties to make concessions to Brussels, there is no sign of a replacement.
“It . . . overshadows everything,” said Tobias Schmidt, head of the energy and technology policy group at ETH, the Technical University in Zurich.
“We are facing a situation where Switzerland may gradually become disconnected from the European electricity system, which is insane because we are literally at the center of it, being for example the largest importer and exporter of electricity on the continent after Austria. In form of.”
But few see any indication that a consensus will be reached quickly. “The (climate) debate in Switzerland is not realistic at all. At the moment we want everything,” Schmidt said. “We cannot both be more independent from the EU and refuse to build more renewable energy.
“I hope we don’t get to the point of rolling blackouts before people realize this.”











